Biblical Aspects of the Theme of Faith and Politics | Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger | From Church, Ecumenism, & Politics: New
Endeavors in Ecclesiology
The reading and the Gospel that we have just heard stemmed from a situation in
which Christians were not a
self-organizing subject of the state but were
rather outcasts being persecuted by a cruel dictatorship. They themselves were
not allowed to share the responsibility for their state; they could only endure
it. Theirs was not the privilege of shaping it as a Christian state but was
rather the task of living as Christians in spite of it. The names of the
emperors who reigned during the period to which tradition dates both texts are
enough to make the situation clear: Nero and Domitian. And so the First Letter
of Peter, too, calls the Christians in such a state strangers or
"exiles" (1:1) and the state itself "Babylon" (5:13). In
doing so, it very emphatically indicates the political position of the Christians
of that time, which corresponded roughly to the position of the exiled Jews
living in Babylon, who were not the subject but rather the objects of that
state and therefore had to learn how they could survive in it, since they were
not allowed to learn how to build it. Thus the political background of today's
readings is fundamentally different from ours. Nevertheless, they contain three
important statements that have significance also for political action among
Christians.
1. The state is not the whole of human existence and does not encompass all
human hope. Man and what he hopes for extend beyond the framework of the state
and beyond the sphere of political action. This is true not only for a state
like Babylon, but for every state. The state is not the totality; this unburdens
the politician and at the same time opens up for him the path of reasonable
politics. The Roman state was wrong and anti-Christian precisely because it
wanted to be the totality of human possibilities and hopes. A state that makes
such claims cannot fulfill its promises; it thereby falsifies and diminishes
man. Through the totalitarian lie it becomes demonic and tyrannical. The
abolition of the totalitarian state has demythologized the state and thereby
liberated man, as well as politicians and politics.
But when the Christian faith falls into ruins and faith in mankind's greater
hope is lost, the myth of the divine state rises again, because man cannot do
without the totality of hope. Although such promises pose as progress and
commandeer for themselves the slogans of progress and progressive thinking,
viewed historically they are nevertheless a regression to an era antedating the
novum of Christianity, a turning
back along the scale of history. And even though their propaganda says that
their goal is man's complete liberation, the abolition of all ruling authority,
they contradict the truth of man and are opposed to his freedom, because they force
man to fit into what he himself can make. Such politics, which declares that
the kingdom of God is the outcome of politics and twists faith into the
universal primacy of the political, is by its very nature the politics of
enslavement; it is mythological politics.
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